[1] Accordingly
Alaric, his equitable demands having been thoroughly
rebuffed, marched upon Rome with his entire army,
intent upon besieging it. At this juncture there came
to Honorius a legate from Constantinus (he who had
entered upon tyranny among the Celts), Jovius, a man
conspicuous for his education and other virtues. He
asked that the peace previously agreed upon[1] be confirmed , and at the same time
sought the Emperor Honorius’ forgiveness for the
murder of his kinsmen Didymus and Verenianus (he
apologised by saying that they had been killed
contrary to Constantinus’ wishes). Noticing that
Honorius was thoroughly unsettled, he told him
‘he would be well advised , occupied as he was
with problems in Italy, to give in to Constantinus.
If he (Jovius) were permitted to go back to
Constantinus and announce to him Italy’s
calamities, he would not long thereafter return with
all the Celtic, Spanish and British forces bringing
aid to Italy and to Rome.’ And Jovius upon these
conditions secured permission to depart.
Celtic affairs have
not yet been given above the treatment they deserve;
it is right that I relate them now in detail.
BOOK
VI, 2
[2] While Arcadius
was still reigning and Honorius and Theodosius were
in their seventh and second consulships, respectively[2], the soldiers stationed in Britain
revolted, placed Marcus upon the imperial throne, and
submitted to his authority as master of affairs in
those regions. Having then murdered him because he
did not suit their temperament, they introduced
Gratianus, decked [him out in the purple and crown,
and with spears attended him as they would an
Emperor. Having then murdered him because he did not
suit their temperament, they introduced Gratianus,
decked] him out in the purple and crown, and with
spears attended him as they would an Emperor. But
they became disenchanted with him also, after a reign
of four months killing him and handing over the
throne to Constantinus. This man, having placed
Justinianus and Nebiogastes in charge of the Celtic
soldiery, crossed the Channel. When he reached
Bononia (a city of lower Germany[3] hard by the sea) he stayed there
several days. He won over to his side all the armies
as far as the Gallic and Italian Alps, and appeared
to have a secure hold upon his realm. At this point
Stilicho dispatched an army commanded by Sarus
against Constantinus. Sarus marched out his forces
against the general Justinianus and in an encounter
killed him and the greater part f his soldiery. He
gained control of a vast amount of booty and, having
learned that Constantinus had betaken himself to
Valentia, a suitable refuge for his purposes, he set
about besieging it. Nebiogastes, the other troop
commander, while conducting peace talks with Sarus,
was received by him amicably, but after an exchange
of oaths was forthwith murdered, Sarus taking no
account of said oaths. Constantinus now appointed
Edobinchus, a Frank, and Gerontius, a Briton, as his
new generals, men for whose military experience and
courage Sarus had respect. After a seven-day siege he
withdrew from Valentia. Constantinus’ generals
ran out after him with all their might and main, and
it was only with great difficulty that he escaped.
All of his booty he forfeited to the Bacaudae, who
met him at the Alps, in exchange for right-of-way
into Italy. Sarus in this fashion returned safely.
But Constantinus collected his entire force,
determined to set up sufficient garrisons in the
Alps. He set up three altogether (in the Cottian, the
Pennine, and the Maritime Alps) which shut off all
access between Italy and the Celtic peoples. He
considered these matters worthy of attention for the
following reasons:
BOOK
VI, 3
[3] Prior to this,
when the consuls were Arcadius for the sixth time and
Probus[4], the Vandals had joined forces with
the Suebi and the Alans, overrun the trans-Alpine
regions and destroyed the peoples. Having wrought
much slaughter, they became formidable even to the
armies in Britain, which, being afraid they might
march against Britain, they drove to the point of
choosing tyrants, the aforesaid Marcus and Gratianus
and, thereafter, Constantinus. Against this last[5] the Romans joined fierce battle and
gained the victory, slaughtering the greater part of
the barbarians; but they did not chase after those
who had escaped (else they would have massacred them
all to a man) and so gave them opportunity to repair
their loss by collecting another host of barbarians
worthy to do battle. For these reasons then
Constantinus was establishing garrisons in the Alpine
regions, so that they[6] might not have free access into Gaul.
He also was setting safeguards along the Rhine, which
had been neglected since the reign of the Emperor
Julian.
BOOK
VI, 4
[4] Having settled
matters throughout Gaul thus, he despatched to Spain
the elder of his two sons, Constans, having decked
him out in the dress of a Caesar. For he wanted to
bring all the Spanish nations under his sway so as
both to extend his rule and to wipe out the dynasty
of Honorius’ kinsmen there. Indeed, he was
growing fearful lest these latter might some day
collect a force of soldiers there, cross the Pyrenees
and attack him while the Emperor Honorius
simultaneously might dispatch his armies from Italy,
encircle him on all sides, and remove him from his
tyranny. Accordingly Constans crossed over into Spain
together with Gerentius[7] the general and Apollinaris the
praetorian prefect; he had in addition appointed
leaders, both civil and military, of the palatine
orderso[8]. Through the agency of these men he
moved against those who, related by birth to the
Emperor Theodosius, were upsetting the state of
affairs in Spain. Even before they had joined battle
with their Lusitanian armies against Constans they
realised that they would be worsted, and so they
fielded a host of slaves and farmers and came very
close to bringing him into extreme danger. But,
frustrated in these hopes, they along with their
wives were handed over into Constans' custody. After
their brothers Theodosiolus and Lagodius had learned
of this, the former fled to Italy, the latter got
away safely through to the East.
BOOK
VI, 5
[5] Having
accomplished these deeds in Spain, Constans returned
to his father Constantinus, bringing with him
Verenianus and Didymus. He had left behind the
general Gerontius together with his Gallic soldiers
to guard the road between France and Spain, even
though the soldiers in Spain had begged that this
duty be entrusted, according to custom, to them and
that the safekeeping of the region not be entrusted
to foreigners. And Verenianus and Didymus, having
been conducted before Constantinus were forthwith
killed. Thereupon Constans was again dispatched to
Spain, taking with him Justus as general. On this
account Gerontius was incensed and, having won to his
side the soldiers in those regions, he raised the
Celtic barbarians in revolt against Constantinus, who
could not withstand them because the greater part of
his own soldiery was in Spain. The barbarians above
the Rhine, assaulting everything at their pleasure,
reduced both the inhabitants of Britain and some of
the Celtic peoples to defecting from Roman rule and
living their own lives disassociated from the Roman
law. Accordingly the Britons took up arms and, with
no consideration of the danger to themselves, freed
their own cities from barbarian threat; likewise all
of Armorica and other Gallic provinces followed the
Britons’ lead: they freed themselves, ejected
the Roman magistrates, and set up home rule at their
own discretion.
BOOK
VI, 6
[6] Now, the
defection of Britain and the Celtic peoples took
place during Constantinus’ tyranny , the
barbarians having mounted their attack owing to his
carelessness in administration. But in Italy Alaric,
not having received the peace terms which he sought
nor having received hostages, again set upon Rome,
threatening to take it by storm unless the citizens
sided with him and marched against the Emperor
Honorius. When they hesitated to do what he demanded,
he laid siege to the city and, proceeding to the
port, spent several days in beleaguering it before he
made himself its master. Having found the city’s
entire grain supply stored there, he issued threats
that he would expend it upon his own army unless the
Romans moved swiftly to carry out his proposals.
Thereupon all the senators convened and, having
debated the issue, gave in completely to Alaric's
bidding. Indeed, since no supplies were forthcoming
to the city via the harbor, there was no other
recourse available to avoid destruction.
BOOK
VI, 7
[7] Thereafter they
received Alaric’s embassy and invited him to
come before the city and, just as they had been
ordered, they set Attalus, the urban prefect, upon
the Emperor’s throne and placed the purple and
the crown upon him. Straightaway they proclaimed
Lampadius his praetorian prefect and Marcianus his
urban prefect. He handed over one military command to
Alaric himself and the other to Valens, who had
previously been leader of the Dalmatian legions, and
he similarly filled the other magistracies in order.
Then he marched off with his imperial body guard to
the palace, under many unfavorable omens. The
following day he entered the Senate and delivered a
harangue teeming with arrogance, boasting that he
would procure for the Romans the entire world, and
other things even more grandiloquent. At such
statements the the Deity would almost certainly take
offence, and not long afterwards the man was toppled.
The Romans were in transports of delight because they
had obtained magistrates who were successful,
experienced administrators, especially the consul
Tertullus. Only the family known as the Anicii were
aggrieved that all things seemed to be going well for
the commonweal, since they alone, possessing the
riches of nearly everyone, were unhappy when the
populace was happy.
Alaric had advised Attalus, correctly, to send a
good-sized force to Africa and Carthage for the
purpose of dissolving Heraclianus’ rule, lest
some impediment to his undertakings come from that
quarter (Heraclianus was a partisan of Honorius). But
Attalus did not heed this admonition, instilled as he
was with hopes raised by seers that he would become
master of Carthage, indeed, of all Africa, without a
struggle. And so he did not dispatch Druma[9], who, with the force of barbarians at
his disposal could very easily have put down
Heraclianus from power; but, thinking Alaric’s
plan of secondary importance, he entrusted the
command of the soldiers in Africa to Constans and
sent off with him no fighting force worth mentioning.
Meanwhile, with the situation in Africa still in
doubt, he took it upon himself to march against the
Emperor, who was at Ravenna.
BOOK
VI, 8
[8] The latter was
thoroughly terrified. He had sent an embassy asking
for a joint reign between himself and Attalus;
Jovius, Attalus’ appointed praetorian prefect[10], replied that Attalus would not leave
Honorius even the name of Emperor nor yet a sound
body, but would mutilate some part of his person and
banish him thus maimed to an island. Everyone was
horrified at the arrogance of this statement, and the
Emperor Honorius was poised for flight, for which
purpose he had brought together into the harbour of
Ravenna no small fleet of ships. Six cohorts of
soldiers had brought the fleet to anchor, cohorts
totalling 4,000 soldiers who had been expected while
Stilicho was still alive but now for the first time
had arrived from the East. Honorius, as if aroused
from a deep torpor, upon their arrival from the East
put them in charge of guarding the walls and decided
to remain in Ravenna for the time being, until the
situation in Africa clarified itself: ‘then, if
Heraclianus should come off the victor and affairs
there be in safe hands, he would wage war against
Attalus and Alaric with his entire army; on the other
hand, if those whom he had sent to Africa should be
defeated, he would set sail in the ships at his
disposal to Theodosius in the East and abdicate from
his Western Empire.’
BOOK
VI, 9
[9] This was the
state of Honorius affairs. But Jovius, who as I have
already related had been sent on an embassy to
Honorius, began to entertain thoughts of betrayal as
the Emperor worked on him through agents. Accordingly
he told the Senate, addressing to it certain
indecorous words, that he would not carry out his
mission further. He said that ‘it was altogether
right and fitting to send barbarians to fight
Heraclianus, since those who had been dispatched to
Africa had failed of success and since with Constans
killed their cause for hope in that region was
shaken.’ Attalus was stirred to anger, and
indicated through informants what had to be done:
fresh troops were sent to Africa with money to
bolster the situation there. When Alaric learned what
had happened he was displeased and began to despair
of the fortunes of Attalus because the latter
facilely undertook unprofitable ventures owing to his
folly and lack of organisation. With these thoughts
in his mind he decided to withdraw from Ravenna, even
though he had originally intended to persist in the
siege until he captured the city. Indeed, he was
exhorted to this change by Jovius, who, realising
that the leader sent to Africa had failed, turned
around completely to Honorius’ side and
incessantly spoke ill of Attalus in Alaric’s
presence, anxious to persuade him that Attalus, once
his Empire was secured, would lay plots first against
him and then against all those related to him by
race.
BOOK
VI, 10
[10] But Alaric was
willing still to abide by his oaths of allegiance to
Attalus. When Valens, the master of the horse, was
killed after falling under suspicion of treason,
Alaric attacked all the cities of Aemilia that had
refused to accept promptly Attalus’ rule. He
brought over with no trouble at all every one of them
except Bononia, which he besieged for several days
but could not capture as it held firm. He then
proceeded to the Ligurians and compelled them to
recognise Attalus as Emperor. Honorius, however,
wrote letters to the cities in Britain urging them to
be on their guard, and he distributed rewards to the
soldiers from moneys supplied him by Heraclianus.
Thus he gained complete relief, having won over the
good will of the soldiers on every side.
BOOK
VI, 11
[11] Heraclianus
held all the harbors of Africa under full guard, and
so neither grain nor oil nor any other necessity of
life were being conveyed to the port of Rome. A
famine fell over the city more severe than the
preceding one, the market speculators hiding whatever
they had in the hope of eventually appropriating
everyone’s money by getting any price they might
choose to set. The city had come to such a pass that
at the circus games those who hoped to taste the
contestants’ corpses let out the following cry:
“Pretium inpone carni humananae,” that is,
“Set a price on human flesh.”
BOOK
VI, 12
[12] At this point
Attalus arrived at Rome and convoked the Senate,
laying before it a plan. Nearly everyone agreed that
barbarians should be sent to Africa along with Roman
soldiers and that the command of these forces should
be given to Druma[11], a man who had already demonstrated
very many proofs of trustworthiness and good will.
Only Attalus plus a few others dissented from the
majority opinion, since he wanted no barbarian
dispatched with the Roman army. Thereupon Alaric
looked to Attalus’ downfall, having long since
been made the more ready for this by Jovius’
incessant accusations. Putting his scheme into
execution, he led Attalus out in front of Ariminium,
where he was staying, removed his crown and stripped
off his purple (these he sent to the Emperor
Honorius), and reduced him before the eyes of all to
private status. However, he did keep him and his son
Ampelius at his own house until, peace having been
concluded with Honorius, he could obtain safety of
life and limb for them both. The Emperor’s
sister Placidia was also staying at Alaric’s
house, filling the role of a hostage, as it were, but
enjoying dignified, indeed, regal courtesy.
BOOK
VI, 13
[13] This, then, was
the situation in Italy. Constantinus, however, having
crowned his son Constans and raised him from a Caesar
to an Augustus, installed him in the office of
praetorian prefect, removing Apollinaris therefrom.
Meanwhile, Alaric set out with his troops for Ravenna
in the hope of making a firm peace treaty with
Honorius; but fortune, advancing down the road
leading to the ruination of the State, found another
impediment to dash that hope. For Sarus, who had
allied himself with neither the Emperor Honorius nor
Alaric, was by chance staying with a small force of
barbarians in Picenum, and Ataulphus, who was angry
with him as a result of some long-standing grievance,
was en route with his entire army to that very
region. Sarus, having been made aware of his approach
and thinking that the mere three hundred men he had
would be no match to do battle against him, decided
to flee to Honorius and to ally himself in common
cause against Alaric.
Note:
the narrative ends abruptly here.
